By Emily Lau

One of Hong Kong’s most outspoken and popular politicians, Emily Lau leads The Frontier party.


Now that the dust has settled on the farcical chief-executive “election” in Hong Kong, pledges by the pre-arranged winner Donald Tsang are evaporating.

On March 25, Mr Tsang was “elected” with 649 votes. His challenger, Alan Leong of the Civic Party, received 123. Hong Kong has 3.2 million registered voters, but only 800 election-committee members could vote.

In the “election campaign”, Mr Tsang said he did not rule out the possibility of Hong Kong holding elections by one-person, one-vote for the next chief executive and for all members of the lawmaking Legislative Council (Legco) in 2012. He pledged to find an ultimate solution on the long-discussed issue of universal suffrage.

But on April 3, the Commission on Strategic Development chaired by Mr Tsang released two papers. Entirely appointed by Mr Tsang, the commission studies the problems related to a road map and a timetable for universal suffrage. The two papers failed to mention when universal suffrage will be introduced.

Instead, the papers alluded to “diverse” views on how and when functional constituencies should be scrapped, if at all. Functional constituencies in Legco represent business groups, like chambers of commerce, banks, insurance and transport companies, and professional bodies like those for doctors, accountants, teachers, engineers and lawyers. People in these groups have the privilege of casting extra votes for their own Legco members while also voting in geographical constituencies.

Thirty Legco members are returned by functional constituencies. Another 30 are elected by one-person, one-vote. Judging by government officials’ statements, the Tsang team wants to retain functional constituencies. Given the complexities, it’s highly doubtful that Mr Tsang will propose to elect all the Legco members by universal suffrage in 2012.

The papers also said that most commission members agree that the chief executive should be elected by universal suffrage once the candidates are vetted by a nominating committee, with nominations needed from 20-25 per cent of the committee. Another suggestion calls for turning the existing 800-member election committee into the nominating committee.

Constitutional affairs secretary Stephen Lam refers to a better chance of securing a consensus in the commission on universal suffrage for the chief-executive election than for Legco. Hence, he suggests that universal suffrage for the chief executive should come first.

The two papers dash any lingering hopes that the Tsang administration will push for direct elections in 2012. When “campaigning”, Mr Tsang spoke with a forked tongue. After pledging to strive for universal suffrage in 2012, he pours cold water on the prospect.

Four days before being “elected”, Mr Tsang told senior journalists that he’d publish a consultative document on political development this summer, but warned that the model of universal suffrage proposed by “Emily Lau and her ilk can be found only in heaven”. Therefore, he’d advance a “mongrel” model, a mish-mash of proposals.

Some commentators say that Mr Leong’s candidacy forced Mr Tsang to address important issues like democratic elections and small-class teaching. But Mr Tsang’s pledges ring hollow.

After Mr Tsang claimed to support smaller classes in schools, the Legco Panel on Education asked him to elaborate. In reply, he restated government policy, saying the Education and Manpower Bureau has launched a study and will map a way forward in view of the results. So much for his campaign promise!

The sight of Mr Tsang abandoning the fight for universal suffrage in 2012 even before starting his second term causes regret, but no surprise. The democracy movement must redouble its efforts and work with the people to fight for this important goal.

Recently, Liberal Party leader James Tien suggested reviving an all-party coalition in Legco to work on universal suffrage. This isn’t a bad idea. Unlike the Commission on Strategic Development, Legco is the proper forum to consider constitutional reform. Any changes need support from two-thirds of Legco’s members, so a consensus among political parties commanding more than 40 votes would be a powerful force.

I appreciate that politics involves compromise, but this implies negotiations with give-and-take. To me, the bottom line must be a firm commitment on a date for real elections by universal and equal suffrage.

Neither Beijing, nor the Hong Kong government, is prepared to engage in a dialogue with the pro-democracy camp. Instead, interested individuals and groups keep exhorting Hong Kong’s pro-democracy politicians to make compromises. This is no way to behave.

To succeed in mapping out a democratic future, the authorities must listen to and work with the pro-democracy movement. Otherwise, Hong Kong will remain embroiled in endless arguments and recriminations. Is this what Mr Tsang wants for his second term?

ARCHIVES

Moment of humiliation for Hong Kong? Donald Tsang (left), himself an instrument of the central government in Beijing, receives the Chinese mainland's documentary 'instrument' entitling him to govern Hong Kong despite lacking a public mandate. Chinese premier Wen Jiabao makes the presentation.


Easy going: only a few votes need counting
to 'elect' Hong Kong's chief executive.

Alan Leong (centre) and Donald Tsang (right) await
'election results', although outcome of the rigged contest never lingered in doubt.