By Emily Lau

Note: An outspoken and popular politician, the writer represents Hong Kong's Democratic Party.
HONG KONG -- On July 31, the Democratic Party (DP) held a general meeting to decide whether to participate in next March's small-circle election to choose Hong Kong's next chief executive (CE). With 178 votes cast, more than 70 per cent of the party-members said yes, despite no chance to win.
Chief executive Donald Tsang's term ends next June. It's no secret that his successor will be handpicked by Beijing's central government and by Hong Kong tycoons, as were Tsang and his predecessor, C.H. Tung.
A 1,200-member committee will be selected in December. On March 25, the committee members will vote to choose a new CE to take office on July 1. Long before that, the Beijing government will indicate its choice, and most committee members will vote accordingly, despite the voting being by secret ballot. Such is pseudo-democracy with Chinese characteristics.
Why does the DP wish to take part? Some members say the electoral process gives a chance to showcase their policies and platform. They want to pressure the candidate anointed by Beijing to respond to public concerns. Otherwise many important topics won't be discussed.
Since some pro-democracy politicians want to run in the small-circle election, the DP proposes to hold a primary election in January to select a single candidate. Any candidate needs support from 150 election-committee members.
The proposal for a primary election anticipates the CE race in 2017 that Beijing has said would be by one-person, one-vote. The primary election provides a way to select a single pro-democracy candidate, ensuring better chances to succeed. But serious doubts surround the 2017 election. Many people think Beijing will control the nomination process so that only “acceptable” candidates can stand.
No matter what happens later, many DP members insist that we should take part in the fake election. I disagree out of concern that doing so lends legitimacy to the process. One way that international observers gauge an election's credibility is by whether it's boycotted by the opposition. If the pro-democracy camp takes part, it's harder to condemn the defective, unacceptable process.
Since my party has voted to participate, I will abide by the decision, but we must broadcast loudly and clearly that it's not a democratic election and that only the person handpicked by Beijing and the tycoons will win. Our participation should be seen as continuing the never-ending struggle for democracy.
Although the small-circle election looms, so far no one has dared to declare a candidacy. They all await signals from their masters in Beijing. Three people are considered hot favorites: chief secretary for administration Henry Tang, executive council convenor C.Y. Leung and standing committee of the National People's Congress member Rita Fan.
By all indications, Tang has been groomed for the top job. A former member of the Legislative Council (Legco), he also served as a policy secretary and financial secretary. Yet he's been criticized as ineffective. Leung also has low public popularity. Fan, the most popular one, lacks administrative experience.
What all three have in common is that they'll do as told by the central government and aren't willing to stand up for Hong Kong people's rights. Nor do they belong to local political parties, which is disturbing because Hong Kong's constitutional development should be based on multi-party politics. Ultimately, the people should elect a ruling party or coalition by universal, equal suffrage. That no pro-Beijing political parties dare to contest the CE election shows that party politics have far to go. It's especially pathetic that the largest pro-Beijing party -- the DAB – declines to take part.
For efficient government, the CE needs support from Legco. Tsang's huge unpopularity stems from his inability or reluctance to partner with the political parties there. Even on the issues widely supported in Legco, like building more public housing and homes for the elderly or increasing education expenditure, the Tsang administration won't listen.
To many people, Tsang looks reluctant to take actions that would displease the tycoons or his masters in Beijing. This disturbing scenario looks likely to continue if any of the three “favorites” become CE. As a businessman recently told me, then the rot would continue and Hong Kong would wither away.
A pro-Beijing politician says the central government will take no bold steps to reform the system without a catastrophic development. Meanwhile, Hong Kong continues to rot. Many people on the Chinese mainland will look upon their counterparts here with pity and disdain.
Another problem is mounting interference from mainland officials. On a June visit, Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office director Wang Guangya criticized local housing policy. Then Central Government Liaison Office deputy director Li Guikang urged the business community to support the Competition Bill.
Such remarks are most inappropriate because they interfere in Hong Kong's internal affairs. Yet the chief executive and the three aspiring candidates dare not object. They aren't willing or able to defend Hong Kong's autonomy. Neither do they speak out to defend universal core values like democracy, human rights and rule of law.
Worrying media reports suggest that Hong Kong is caught in a power struggle between the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office and the Central Government Liaison Office. Both sides appear to back a favored CE candidate and probably will interfere more in Hong Kong's internal affairs. If so, it's really bad news.
For decades, Hong Kong has been terrified of the mainland's vicious, bloody political struggles. Before 1997, British colonial rule shielded us from tumultuous developments across the border. Now there's naked confrontation with Chinese rule, and no one can rely on Hong Kong's government to defend our rights.
I urge mainland officials to honor the “one country, two systems” policy and stop interfering in Hong Kong affairs. True, the Tsang administration is hugely unpopular because it ignores the people's wishes. But these are our problems and should be resolved by Hong Kong people. If the central government doesn't want to undermine Hong Kong’s system and cause instability, it should tell mainland officials to shut up and leave Hong Kong alone.
ARCHIVES
|
|