Reviewed by Lily Bond
Like everyone in Thailand, I carefully weigh the recent political events. As part of the process, I decided to read Thaksin (extended edition 2009, first published 2004, Silkworm Books, Chiang Mai, 422 pages), a biography of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra by Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker. Toppled in a military coup and convicted of corruption, Thaksin now lives in exile.
The book enlightens with what it reveals about Thaksin and about Thai politics. Given events of the past decade, the latest violence and deaths in Bangkok aren't surprising.
Phongpaichit and Baker explain Thailand's history so that readers understand the context in which Thaksin became so notable. Unique in Southeast Asia, Thailand had no First World colonizer. Long a kingdom, it endured conflict and violence among internal kingdoms in what is now Thailand, Laos and Burma. In 1782, Bangkok became the national capital. The present king has reigned since 1946.
Thailand has several ethnicities. Its northeast, Issan, once belonged to Laos and part of the northwest to Burma. Now these areas, home to most of the recent Red Shirt protesters, support Thaksin.
In 1932, Thailand became a constitutional monarchy and its democratic system began. But readers see the system's flaws. Old ways of patrons and clients remain, and vote-buying scars every election.
The authors depict this system as perfect for the artful Thaksin. In an autobiography, he portrayed himself as a poor boy (descended from a 19th-century Chinese emigrant) making good. But members of the Shinawatra family have been business leaders since the 1940s. Several were army generals too. When Thaksin became an MP in 1994, his family already held clout.
The book tells of Thaksin using his position to gain advantages and wealth. As others went bust in the 1997 financial crash, he thrived on political favors.
Populist ideas and innovations once Thaksin became prime minister in 2001 made the old order feel threatened. The book exposes a leader, his unethical business practices and political subterfuges. Many quotes speak volumes. On December 23, 2000, before a January 6 election when Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai party won a landside victory, he said: “Nothing will stand in my way. I'm determined to devote myself to politics in order to lead the Thai people out of poverty.... I think the people want Thai Rak Thai to take the government's reins and solve the county's problems.”
Thaksin's 10-point agenda stressed business development, agricultural revival, educational enhancements, eradication of drugs, health-care improvements and war on corruption. His own corrupt practices make that last item laughable.
The law forbids politicians from gaining business favors, but Thaksin deftly avoided detection. In 2001, he faced allegations of failing to declare all his assets, but his popularity allowed him to get away with apologizing for an “honest” mistake, that of investing huge sums in the names of his housekeepers, chauffeurs and children. Even today, he keeps assets deposited under other people's names.
In Thaksin's first term, he implemented his promises. The rural poor, especially in the north, gained from the spending on health, farming and education. But he alienated other business people who grew wary of his burgeoning wealth and power, eroding his original power base.
Thaksin faced more scrutiny for a ruthless, anti-drug campaign when 2,500 people were shot or went missing. Replying to suggestions that these “human-right violations” should go to United Nations, he said: "The United Nations is not my father...." This contrasts to his human-rights plea to the UN now after inciting the Red Shirt protests.
Before entering politics, Thaksin had studied criminal justice and married into a family with police connections. He trained in the military too. As prime minister, he filled the cabinet and army leadership with old cadet-mates and relatives. That may be typical in Thailand, but Thaksin excelled at exploiting the system. Knowing the law helped him to skirt it.
By late 2004, Thaksin turned more intently to win allegiance from the poor and dispossessed. “…the TRT (Thai Rak Thai party) election campaign in 2005 had the slickness that betrayed high investment”.
In the north, Thaksin had support and could pour out less. In the south, he spent lavishly to woo voters who weren't impressed. The south remains a Democrat stronghold.
Thaksin convincingly won the 2005 election. “If 2001 was a landslide, then 2005 is an avalanche,” he said.
Before the 2006 military coup, many of Thaksin's corrupt dealings came to light. The “king's” men, the army and university people opposed him. Plans took shape to oust him one way or another.
Ideally, the book might list benefits of the coup and a return to non-corrupt politics, but that's not what happened. The year under army government saw old politics return. Before the 2007 election, the generals poured money into Thaksin strongholds trying to entice voters to oppose the parties representing him. In a big setback for the generals, a group supporting Thaksin won the election.
In the Yellow Shirt protests of 2008, many intellectuals, members of powerful Bangkok families and supporters of the king and army saw Thaksin as a threat to the establishment. Despite the government's repeated calls to remove the protesters, the military refused. By toppling an “elected” government, the Yellow Shirts showed the democratic system's failure.
Then the Red Shirt protests and riots erupted against a new prime minister and parliament. This time, the army acted at the government's request.
After reading Thaksin, I'm left to wonder if democracy can work in Thailand. Coups and violent protests mark its history. Vote-buying and cronyism affect the elections and government decisions.
The former prime minister has been a catalyst to reveal deep financial, social and regional divisions. He has some impact for better and for much worse. Although in exile, he still pulls strings and wreaks havoc.
I recommend this book to deepen insights. The authors present the facts without moral judgments, opting to let Thaksin's words and events speak for themselves.
Approval rating: 75 per cent.
(June 9, 2010)
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